Friday, July 5, 2013

Somalia famine 'killed 260,000 people'


 

Displaced children queue for food rations in Somalia's capital, Mogadishu, in January 2012 Tens of thousands of people in Somalia fled the famine in search of food

Somalia: Failed State

Nearly 260,000 people died during the famine that hit Somalia from 2010 to 2012, a study shows.

Half of them were children under the age of five, says the report by the UN and the US-funded Famine Early Warning Systems Network (Fews Net).
The UN Food and Agriculture Organisation (FAO) said humanitarian aid needed to be provided more quickly.
The crisis was caused by a severe drought, worsened by conflict between rival groups fighting for power.
The number of deaths was higher than the estimated 220,000 people who died during the 1992 famine.
Western aid group ban
Rudi Van Aaken, the deputy head of the FAO operation for Somalia, told the BBC that the response had been too slow.
"I think the main lesson learned is that the humanitarian community should be ready to take early action - respond early on."
"Responding only when the famine is declared is very very ineffective. Actually about half of the casualties were there before the famine was already declared."

Major African Hunger Crises

  • Somalia, 2010-2012: Nearly 260,000 die of hunger caused by drought and conflict
  • Niger, 2010: Food shortages affect more than 7 million people after crops fail; 2005 - thousands die following drought and locust invasion
  • Sudan, 2008: Localised famine in some areas of southern Sudan due to war and drought
  • Ethiopia, 2000: Three consecutive years of drought leave millions at risk, with famine declared in Gode, the Somali region
  • Democratic Republic of Congo, 1998-2004: Severe food crisis caused by conflict, millions affected by hunger
  • Somalia, 1991-1992: Drought and war contribute to famine across the country; about 250,000 famine-related deaths reported in 1992
  • Ethiopia, 1984-1985: Up to one million people die in famine caused by conflict, drought and economic mismanagement
  • Nigeria, 1967-1970: One million die in civil war and famine in the breakaway Biafran republic
  • Uganda, 1970s: Localised famine in Karamoja leaves thousands dead
The FAO said earlier that the "true enormity of this human tragedy" had emerged for the first time from the study, done jointly with Fews Net.
"By nature, estimating mortality in emergencies is an imprecise science, but given the quantity and quality of data that were available, we are confident in the strength of the study," said Fews Net official Chris Hillbruner.
"It suggests that what occurred in Somalia was one of the worst famines in the last 25 years," he added.
The UN first declared a famine in July 2011 in Somalia's Southern Bakool and Lower Shabelle regions. They were controlled by the militant Islamist group al-Shabab, which is aligned to al-Qaeda.
Al-Shabab denied there was a famine and banned several Western aid agencies from operating on territory under its control.
The famine later spread to other areas, including Middle Shabelle, Afgoye, and at camps for displaced people in the government-controlled capital, Mogadishu.
An estimated 4.6% of the total population and 10% of children under five died in southern and central Somalia, the report says.
In Lower Shabelle, 18% of children under five died and in Mogadishu 17%, the report said.
Continuing child malnutrition
Somalia was worst hit by the extreme drought in 2011 that affected more than 13 million people across the Horn of Africa.
Tens of thousands of people fled their homes in search of food.
The UN declared the famine over in February 2012.
"While conditions in Somalia have improved in recent months, the country still has one of the highest rates of child malnutrition and infant mortality in the world," Ben Foot, from the charity Save the Children, said in a statement.
The UK government has said that at a conference it is hosting on Somalia's future next week it will set out policies on how to tackle the root cause of famine and contain the effects of drought.
The UK's International Development Secretary Justine Greening said Somalia's famine had been "one of the worst disasters of recent times,"
During more than 20 years of civil war, Somalia has seen clan-based warlords, rival politicians and Islamist militants battle for control - a situation that has allowed lawlessness to flourish.
Last September, a UN-backed government came to power, after eight years of transitional rule, bringing some stability to some areas.
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Wednesday, June 26, 2013

Towards sustainable Wildlife Management Areas in Tanzania

Sustainable conservation of wildlife resources has been one of the core objectives of wildlife managers and biologists in many countries in Africa. For centuries, wildlife has been utilized not only for subsistence but also for commercial purposes. However, as human population expands, wildlife resources are increasingly subjected to severe pressure, which threatens their existence and sustainability. Apart from consumptive utilization, other anthropogenic activities such as agriculture have indirectly influenced the survival of wildlife species through manipulation of their habitats. Since most local communities have a historical interaction with wildlife in rural areas, efforts to ensure sustainability have been focusing on involving local people in conservation. Many governments have adopted a participatory approach to conservation as a result of pervasive loss of wildlife species and the challenges of a “fences and fines” approach. Countries in the southern part of Africa such as Namibia, Botswana, Zambia, and South Africa have had a good experience in community-based conservation. In the rest of Africa, for example in East Africa, participatory conservation has been confronting some challenges. This has led to a considerable concern over community-based conservation initiatives in this wildlife-rich part of Africa.
In its wildlife policy objective of promoting sustainability in utilization of wildlife resources, the government of Tanzania has introduced the concept of Wildlife Management Areas (WMAs). These are areas of community land in which local people have usage rights over the wildlife resources. Conservation of natural resources in WMAs is therefore a shared responsibility and local communities must significantly benefit from it. WMAs started as one of the tools in a new approach to managing wildlife resources in the early 1990s. According to United Republic of Tanzania (URT), wildlife ownership will be decentralized to local government, and to the rural communities that are recognized as important stakeholders in the wildlife conservation. The logic behind WMAs is that when local communities develop a sense of resource ownership and realizes the tangible benefits that can accrue from wildlife conservation; they will develop a positive attitude towards conservation issues. This paper seeks to present some factors that need to be given attention in the current escalating interest in Wildlife Management Areas (WMAs) in Tanzania in particular and indeed in other parts of Africa.
Background on Wildlife Management Areas in Tanzania
The history of wildlife conservation in Tanzania goes back to 1891 when colonial laws controlled the use and management of wildlife resources [16]. Due to this top-down approach to conservation, integration of wildlife conservation into rural development was not a priority. As a result, in the 1970s and 1980s, Tanzania saw a pervasive decline of its wildlife. Factors involved in this decline included poverty, flourishing markets for wildlife products, increased human population and demand for bush meat, and lack of trained personnel and financial resources to do conservation work, as well as local people’s negative attitude towards conservation. Therefore, much of the wildlife (especially outside protected areas) became increasingly scarce. In response to this rapid loss of wildlife, the government, through the National Parks Authority and Wildlife Division, began to emphasize collaboration with local communities as part of a protected areas management strategy. By 1995, the Wildlife Sector Review Task Force [WSRTF] had suggested the creation of village-based WMAs in order to lay the basis for sustainable management and utilization of wildlife resources at the grass-roots level.
Three years after the WSRTF report came out; the Wildlife Policy of Tanzania (WPT) was put in place. The 1998 WPT reflects the willingness of Tanzania to decentralize wildlife management issues, and accommodates much of people’s needs and interests in its conservation plans. Implementation of the policy is evidenced in the current mushrooming of WMA projects in the country. So far, there are about 16 pilot projects in 16 districts encompassing more than 135 villages. It is envisaged that through WMAs, local communities will attach considerable value to wildlife as they do in other forms of land use such as agriculture. This would in turn lead to a reversal of wildlife declines and enhanced movements or dispersal of wildlife species.


 Map of Tanzania showing the distribution of protected areas. An inset map of Africa shows the location of Tanzania.


Generally, the process of establishing a WMA involves the following main steps: creation of awareness among villagers of the merits and disadvantages of having a WMA; a village assembly’s approval of an application for WMA formation taking into consideration village council recommendations; formation of a Community-Based Organization (CBO); preparation of a strategic plan; preparation of a land-use plan; carrying out of an Environmental Impact Assessment (EIA) prior to approval of a land-use plan; preparation of village by-laws that support a land-use plan; and preparation of a resource management zone plan. The CBO then makes application to the director of wildlife for designating part of village land as a WMA; the director considers the CBO’s application and sends his recommendation to the Minister of Natural Resources and Tourism; and finally the minister declares a designated WMA by order in the gazette. After this, the CBO applies to become an Authorized Association (AA), and the AA applies for a user right and hunting block to the director of the Wildlife Division. The AA may also enter into investment agreements with potential investors. However, from local people’s perspective, this seems to be a complicated process, which may delay the formation of WMAs and the realization of tangible benefits accrued from them.
WMAs are one of the categories of wildlife conservation areas in Tanzania. Other categories include Game Reserves and National Parks and National Conservation Areas. At a local scale, however, there are some challenges to realization of sustainable wildlife management areas. Some of these challenges can be immediately linked to human influences, for example, loss of wildlife habitat and widespread wildlife poaching. In the sections that follow, I explain most of WMAs’ challenges and the possible solutions (opportunities), giving examples of wildlife projects elsewhere in Africa.

                                                                                                                            

 
                                      
WMAs in fragmented landscapes: what can be done?
The importance of land as a fundamental resource in conservation of wildlife cannot be over emphasized. In rural areas where most wildlife is found, a significant proportion of the landscape is used for agriculture, grazing, and settlement. As human population density near wildlife rich areas increases, even more land is needed for livelihood maintenance. This has increasingly brought human land-use zones into contact with conservation areas. Therefore, there has been a negative trade-off between rural communities’ interest in land use and conservationists’ interest in healthy wildlife populations. Some vivid examples in Africa include the Zambezi valley of Zambia at Livingstone, where expansion of farmlands into forested areas has led to ecological devastation and widespread human-wildlife conflicts. In some wildlife areas of Kwale District in Kenya, local people have been compelled to leave their productive land because of crop raiding animals such as elephants, baboons, and monkeys. The conflict between the Bénoué Wildlife Conservation Area and the adjacent communities in Northern Cameroon is another example of the tension arising from co-existence between human land-use activities and wildlife conservation. The root cause of the negative attitudes towards conservation among Khwai communities around Moremi Game Reserve in the Okavango Delta in Botswana is the displacement of these communities in order to provide land for gazettement of the game reserve. In some areas of Western Serengeti National Park in Tanzania, wild animals have found themselves on the frontline of land-use conflict with pastoralists. Displacement of Wagalla people from Ugalla Game Reserve in Western Tanzania in the 1960s has contributed to the current poor support of local communities for conservation efforts. All these are only a few examples showing how land and its resources have become a source of friction between wildlife and human beings.
Land-use conflicts between wildlife and humans have resulted in wildlife habitat fragmentation and biodiversity loss. In regions with high population growth rates coupled with unsustainable land-use activities, wild animals often find themselves in a hostile environment. An important question is, “What is the most effective pattern of habitat fragments/patches to ensure sustainable co-existence between wildlife species and local communities?” There has been substantial discussion about habitat patches and the movement of wildlife species between different patches amid human pressure, with special attention to the decline of wildlife populations. Some wildlife biologists have argued that “species connectivity” may help to stabilize wildlife populations. Connectivity is defined as the extent to which individuals of different species can move from one habitat patch to another in a fragmented landscape. However, spatial arrangement and the quality of different habitat elements influence species connectivity. Species-specific connectivity entails having knowledge of different species and their different habitat requirements.
Owing to the importance of species’ ability to move between suitable habitat patches, WMA stakeholders, namely central government, local governments, and non-governmental organizations, should put emphasis on the regular assessments of the land-use systems and how they influence quality of the actual and potential wildlife habitats in the WMAs. Since tourist hunting and hunting for subsistence by local communities (through permits) are among the land uses in the WMAs, and poaching is often a problem, intensive utilization of wildlife resources is most likely. In such a scenario, enhanced species’ dispersal can effectively stabilize wildlife populations, especially in areas of habitat isolates created as a result of fragmentation and destruction of natural vegetation.

 Intercensal Population Growth Rates in Regions with WMAs in Tanzania. Adapted from [46] Region
1988-2002 Growth Rates (%)
Wildlife Management Areas
Arusha
4.0
Enduimet and Loliondo
Manyara
3.8
Burunge and Makame
Tabora
3.6
Ipole and Uyumbu
Morogoro
2.6
Twatwatwa, Ukutu and Wamimbiki
Ruvuma
2.5
Songea and Tunduru
Mara
2.5
Ikona and Tarime
Pwani
2.4
Ngarambe-Tapika
Iringa
1.5
Idodi-Pawaga
Lindi
1.4
Liwale


Human population density
In order to ensure sustainability of WMAs, effects of human population density in regions with WMA projects should not be dismissed. The intercensal (1988 - 2002) population growth rates show that, of the regions where WMAs have been initiated, growth rates of the Arusha, Manyara, and Tabora regions are rapidly increasing. The WMA projects in these regions, namely Enduiment, Loliondo, Burunge, Makame, Ipole, and Uyumbu, have been facing conservation challenges related to resource use and local participation. The Lindi region, where the Liwale WMA is found, has the lowest growth rate of 1.4%, far below the total Tanzania growth rate of 2.9%. Comparison of the population size by districts reveals that Tarime is the highest, followed by the Kilosa, Urambo, and Babati districts. The WMAs in these districts are; Tarime (Tarime district), Twatwatwa (Kilosa district), Uyumbu (Urambo district), and Burunge (Babati district), respectively. These WMAs have also been confronting varied resource use conflicts, which are partly due to high population density.
Adequate knowledge about human population size and growth rates is helpful in setting conservation priorities, because population density may be used to determine resource use intensity and act as a surrogate measure of the degree to which wildlife resources in WMAs are under threat. For example, in the game-controlled areas and open areas (where most of the WMAs are established), density of human habitation is high and bushmeat hunting is also a serious problem. Consequently, densities of most wild ungulate species are relatively low. In districts with high population size such as Tarime, bushmeat exploitation is a critical problem. Mung’ong’o and Mwamfupe reported that high population density in Kilosa district has significantly contributed to devastation of natural resources. The high population growth rate of Urambo district and its rapid development, as well as demand for a better quality life, have encouraged illegal hunting of wildlife for both commercial and subsistence purposes. In an interview with Rolf Baldus on May 21, 2006, Tim Caro (a scientist researching wildlife issues in Tanzania) argued that demand for bush meat in Tanzania is partly caused by increasing living standards of people. Elsewhere in Africa, for example in West Africa, hunting for bush meat has hugely contributed to decline in wildlife population? This has always been attributed to rapid human population growth along with the demand for higher standards of living.
Factors influencing resource access and utilization
The principal natural resources in WMAs include forest, wildlife, and fish. Although highest priority is currently given to wildlife utilization as the main activity, all other natural resources should also be considered in the utilization schemes of the WMAs. A study on economic opportunities in WMAs identified, among others, four main economic openings through which rural communities can optimize the use of WMAs. These are: subsistence hunting, non-consumptive tourism, beekeeping, and utilization of forest resources. However, making effective use of these opportunities calls on the local communities to be equipped with resource utilization technologies and entrepreneurial skills. Such skills can unleash creativity and innovation for improved ways of resource exploitation. For example, construction and use of fuel-efficient stoves may reduce wood consumption and thereby contribute to a reduced deforestation rate. Initiation of successful small-scale income-generating activities (IGAs) in WMAs, which can improve people’s livelihoods and take care of the environment, demands proper marketing strategy [55]. Beekeeping in Uyumbu and Ipole WMAs, for example, has been one of the important economic activities among the villages involved in the WMA projects. Yet in order to enable local communities to expand their beekeeping enterprises, training and firm market structures are needed.
Sustainable natural resources accessibility plans should also be developed and clearly documented in the terms of reference of any WMA project. To enhance resource accessibility and reduce conflicts, all the stakeholders in WMA projects are obliged to observe important roles played by all the institutions involved. Institutions provide “rules of the game”; proper institutional arrangements will provide a good link between WMAs and local communities. It is, however, regrettable that most of the WMA projects are lacking stable institutional structures. Pragmatically, there are no clear boundaries between the roles played by the Wildlife Division; regional, district and village governments; non-governmental organizations; tourist hunting companies; and local communities. In order to make a real
change in resource accessibility and ownership at local levels, institutional structures need to be flexible enough to allow access for local institutions’ voices to be heard at all levels of the WMA project plan formulation and decision making, and a genuine bottom-up approach should be employed.
The extent of resource ownership is defined in different ways by different official documents governing the use and management of natural resources in the country. For example, while the wildlife policy of 1998 maintains that natural resources in WMAs will be under the control of local communities, the Forest Act of 2002 declares on page 98, section 69 (1), that “all biological resources and their intangible products whether naturally occurring or naturalized within forests including genetic resources belong to the government . . . .”. In addition, when forests are found in WMAs, the Forest Act stipulates that forest management plans may contain forests other than village land forest reserves, and the plans will control the use and management of resources in such forests. This may bring some confusion on utilization of forest resources within WMAs, and limit the span of communities’ resource ownership.
From the government’s perspective, the central economic role of WMAs is commercial hunting (e.g., in the Mbomipa, Okutu, Ikona, Ipole, and Uyumbu WMAs). This may perpetuate conflicts because people will have higher expectations and depend too much on revenues accrued through tourist hunting instead of initiating alternative ways of benefiting from WMAs. Despite the revenues believed to accrue to hunting activities, in the situation where the government is taking a lion’s share of such revenues, successful participatory conservation will be a dream, which will never come true. For example, in Burunge WMA conflicts between district government and local communities exist because the government does not want to respect communities as important stakeholders and their wildlife-based needs are disregarded.
There have been arguments about the capacity of CBOs to properly administer sustainable use and management of WMAs. The College of African Wildlife Management (CAWM) in the Kilimanjaro region has been training government officials and local people from areas with WMA projects. Among other things, CAWM is conducting short entrepreneurial courses for district and village government officials as well as selected community members [60]. However, the effectiveness of this exercise may be constrained by uncertain market structures and lack of adequate experience as well as capital on the side of the local communities.


Photograph showing male impala (Aepyceros melampus) killed by poachers with pictured muzzle loaders.   Photo taken in the Miombo woodlands, Urambo District, Western Tanzania.
Participatory and sustainable resource accessibility and utilization plans have been a matter of greater concern in many other countries of Africa. Tanzania has a lot to learn from the experience of other countries. In the southern part of Africa, in Malawi for example, local communities had negative attitudes towards establishment of Kasungu National Park. However, the development of simple wildlife-based enterprises increased local participation and made people realize the tangible values of wildlife management [8]. The Administrative Management Design (ADMADE) program in Zambia has been funding different development projects for communities in and around Game Management Areas (GMAs). The ADMADE-funded projects include classrooms, houses for teachers, clinics, shelters for hammer mills used to grind maize, village shops, and capital for cottage industries. The program also trains village game scouts in order to reduce poaching and expand the scope of local communities’ involvement in wildlife conservation. The Living in a Finite Environment (LIFE) project in Namibia has emphasized wildlife conservancies where local communities have legal rights to consumptively utilize wildlife and enter into contracts with investors in tourist hunting and photographic tourism. The Community-Based Natural Resources Management (CBNRM) program in Botswana attempted to reduce conservation costs tolerated by local communities. This was done by letting the government own wildlife resources, but the user rights were delegated to communities. Korup National Park has been one of the few protected areas in Cameroon, areas which are successful in integrating people’s needs into conservation plans. Through developing proper use programs, the park has reduced land-related conflicts with the surrounding communities.
Implications for conservation
Indeed, there has been an overwhelming need for ensuring that WMAs are sustainable and can better meet their intended objectives. This section presents some recommendations as an attempt to stimulate further discussion on sustainable conservation of WMAs in Tanzania.
1. There should be effective interventions for dealing with procedural complexity that involves distinct and time-consuming steps in the establishment of a WMA. Miniwary pointed out the example of Enduimet WMA, in which local people had to wait for about 10 years (from 1997 to 2007) before they were issued a certificate of authorization. Such scenarios belittle the importance of WMAs and degrade their empirical credibility as one of the valuable land-use options.

2. Effective monitoring of WMA projects will enhance their performance [63] and help participants understand habitat dynamics of the wildlife species at the landscape scale as well as determinants of species’ dispersal, particularly in the fragmented landscapes.

3. Conservation awareness and extension programs toward advocating sustainable utilization of wildlife resources should be emphasized. Such outreach programs are an important vehicle for the dissemination of conservation awareness and education in the rural areas. Caro and Schulte consider “outreach programs” to be among the most crucial activities in reducing escalating pressure on wildlife resources.

4. A diverse range of natural resources in the areas with WMA projects prompts two significant conservation activities. The first is the widening of sustainable wildlife-based economic opportunities for local communities in order to promote a sense of belonging to WMA projects among the local people. However, extensive conservation training programs that are blended with entrepreneurship skills are necessary in building the capacity of local people, and unlocking their creativity and innovation to initiate natural resources-based income-generating ventures in areas with WMAs. The second activity is promoting harmonization of resource utilization schemes. In the guidelines for the designation and management of WMAs, the Wildlife Division of Tanzania pointed out that the authorized associations (AAs) may allow resource utilization in the WMAs based on the regulations of the respective resource management authorities. For example, utilization plans for fish resources should adhere to the Fisheries Act of 1970, while the utilization of forest and bee resources should follow the regulations in the Forest Act of 2002 and Beekeeping Act of 2002, respectively. This may create a jumble of differing conservation obligations that AAs must understand and meet unless such utilization regulations are harmonized and simplified at the grassroots level.

5. A theoretical framework depicts in general the factors influencing realization of sustainable Wildlife Management Areas. Community-based organizations initiate WMA projects in collaboration with the government, and non-governmental organizations also play a role in conjunction with both the government and community-based organizations. In order to achieve a desired outcome (sustainable wildlife management), pragmatic collaboration among the practitioners is the key to addressing conservation challenges through the available opportunities.

Saturday, June 22, 2013

History Science and Technology

                            
Science, technology and society
Information access · Information architecture
Information management
Information retrieval
Information seeking · Information society
Knowledge organization · Ontology
Philosophy of information
Science, technology and society


Science, technology and society (STS), also referred to as science and technology studies, is the study of how social, political, and cultural values affect scientific research and technological innovation, and how these, in turn, affect society, politics and culture. STS scholars are interested in a variety of problems including the relationships between scientific and technological innovations and society, and the directions and risks of science and technology. More than two dozen universities worldwide offer bachelor's degrees in STS. About half of these also offer Doctoral or Masters degrees. An STS model has been developed by the scholars to consider the internal and external effects. The field of STS is related to history and philosophy of science although with a much broader emphasis on social aspects of science and technology.
Contents

STS is a new and expanding subject; for example, in 2011, globally the existence of 111 STS programs has been counted.[1]

Like most interdisciplinary programs, it emerged from the confluence of a variety of disciplines and disciplinary subfields, all of which had developed an interest—typically, during the 1960s or 1970s—in viewing science and technology as socially embedded enterprises.
Early developments

The key disciplinary components of STS took shape independently, beginning in the 1960s, and developed in isolation from each other well into the 1980s, although Ludwig Fleck's monograph (1935) Genesis and Development of a Scientific Fact anticipated many of STS's key themes:

Science studies, a branch of the sociology of scientific knowledge that places scientific controversies in their social context.
History of technology, which examines technology in its social and historical context. Starting in the 1960s, some historians questioned technological determinism, a doctrine that can induce public passivity to technologic and scientific 'natural' development. At the same time, some historians began to develop similarly contextual approaches to the history of medicine.
History and Philosophy of Science (1960s), After the publication of Thomas Kuhn's well-known The Structure of Scientific Revolutions (1962), which attributed changes in scientific theories to changes in underlying intellectual paradigms, programs were founded at the University of California, Berkeley and elsewhere that brought historians of science and philosophers together in unified programs.
Science, technology, and society In the mid- to late-1960s, student and faculty social movements in the U.S., UK, and European universities helped to launch a range of new interdisciplinary fields (such as women's studies) that were seen to address relevant topics that the traditional curriculum ignored. One such development was the rise of "science, technology, and society" programs, which are also—confusingly—known by the STS acronym. Drawn from a variety of disciplines, including anthropology, history, political science, and sociology, scholars in these programs created undergraduate curricula devoted to exploring the issues raised by science and technology. Unlike scholars in science studies, history of technology, or the history and philosophy of science, they were and are more likely to see themselves as activists working for change rather than dispassionate, "ivory tower" researchers[citation needed]. As an example of the activist impulse, feminist scholars in this and other emerging STS areas addressed themselves to the exclusion of women from science and engineering.
Science, engineering, and public policy studies emerged in the 1970s from the same concerns that motivated the founders of the science, technology, and society movement: A sense that science and technology were developing in ways that were increasingly at odds with the public's best interests. The science, technology, and society movement tried to humanize those who would make tomorrow's science and technology, but this discipline took a different approach: It would train students with the professional skills needed to become players in science and technology policy. Some programs came to emphasize quantitative methodologies, and most of these were eventually absorbed into systems engineering. Others emphasized sociological and qualitative approaches, and found that their closest kin could be found among scholars in science, technology, and society departments.[citation needed]

During the 1970s and 1980s, leading universities in the US, UK, and Europe began drawing these various components together in new, interdisciplinary programs. For example, in the 1970s, Cornell University developed a new program that united science studies and policy-oriented scholars with historians and philosophers of science and technology. Each of these programs developed unique identities due to variation in the components that were drawn together, as well as their location within the various universities. For example, the University of Virginia's STS program united scholars drawn from a variety of fields (with particular strength in the history of technology); however, the program's teaching responsibilities—it is located within an engineering school and teaches ethics to undergraduate engineering students—means that all of its faculty share a strong interest in engineering ethics.[citation needed]
The "turn to technology" (and beyond)
See also: Social construction of technology

A decisive moment in the development of STS was the mid-1980s addition of technology studies to the range of interests reflected in science . During that decade, two works appeared en seriatim that signaled what Steve Woolgar was to call the "turn to technology": Social Shaping of Technology (MacKenzie and Wajcman, 1985) and The Social Construction of Technological Systems (Bijker, Hughes and Pinch, 1987). MacKenzie and Wajcman primed the pump by publishing a collection of articles attesting to the influence of society on technological design. In a seminal article, Trevor Pinch and Wiebe Bijker attached all the legitimacy of the Sociology of Scientific Knowledge to this development by showing how the sociology of technology could proceed along precisely the theoretical and methodological lines established by the sociology of scientific knowledge. This was the intellectual foundation of the field they called thesocial construction of technology.

The "turn to technology" helped to cement an already growing awareness of underlying unity among the various emerging STS programs. More recently, there has been an associated turn to ecology, nature, and materiality in general, whereby the socio-technical and natural/material co-produce each other. This is especially evident in work in STS analyses of biomedicine (such as Carl May, Annemarie Mol, Nelly Oudshoorn, and Andrew Webster) and ecological interventions (such as Bruno Latour, Sheila Jasanoff, Matthias Gross, and Jens Lachmund).
Professional associations

The subject has several professional associations.

Founded in 1975, the Society for Social Studies of Science, initially provided scholarly communication facilities—including a journal (Science, Technology, and Human Values) and annual meetings—that were mainly attended by science studies scholars, but the society has since grown into the most important professional association of science and technology studies scholars worldwide. The Society for Social Studies of Science members also include government and industry officials concerned with research and development as well as science and technology policy; scientists and engineers who wish to better understand the social embeddedness of their professional practice; and citizens concerned about the impact of science and technology in their lives. Proposals have been made to add the word "technology" to the association's name, thereby reflecting its stature as the leading STS professional society, but there seems to be widespread sentiment that the name is long enough as it is.

In Europe, the European Association for the Study of Science and Technology (EASST)[2] was founded in 1981 to stimulate communication, exchange and collaboration in the field of studies of science and technology. Similarly, the European Inter-University Association on Society, Science and Technology (ESST) researches and studies science and technology in society, in both historical and contemporary perspectives.

In Japan, the Japanese Society for Science and Technology Studies (JSSTS)[3] was founded in 2001.

Founded in 1958, the Society for the History of Technology initially attracted members from the history profession who had interests in the contextual history of technology. After the "turn to technology" in the mid-1980s, the society's well-regarded journal (Technology and Culture) and its annual meetings began to attract considerable interest from non-historians with technology studies interests.

Less identified with STS, but also of importance to many STS scholars in the US, are the History of Science Society, the Philosophy of Science Association, and the American Association for the History of Medicine. In addition, there are significant STS-oriented special interest groups within major disciplinary associations, including the American Anthropological Association, the American Political Science Association, and the American Sociological Association.
Journals

Important journals in STS are Social Studies of Science, Science, Technology and Human Values, Science & Technology Studies, Research Policy, Minerva: A Journal of Science, Learning and Policy Science Technology and Society, Science as Culture, Technology and Culture, and Science and Public Policy.

Student journals in STS are Intersect: the Journal of Science, Technology, and Society at Stanford and Synthesis: An Undergraduate Journal of the History of Science at Harvard.
See also
Portal icon Technology portal

Scientometrics
Sociology of scientific knowledge
Actor–network theory
Normalization process theory
Science and technology

External links
URL:http://human-nature.com/science-as-culture/werskey.html. Accessed:2011-05-21. (Archived by WebCite® at http://www.webcitation.org/5yr1hbYcl)
STSWiki (devoted to building resources, such as a worldwide list of STS programs and scholars)
STS-Wiki of (Dutch) STS PhD research school (this page is partly a private wiki)
Argentinean Network for Science and Technology Studies
Instituto de Estudios sobre la Ciencia y la Tecnología - Universidad Nacional de Quilmes
Technology, Science, Culture

Technology
Categories:

Science studies
Science and technology studies
Technology
Technology assessment
Social epistemology


    The Industrial Revolution


    [Excerpts from Encyclopedia Brittanica, 1995] The Industrial Revolution, in modern history, [is] the process of change from an agrarian, handicraft economy to one dominated by industry and machine manufacture. This process began in England in the 18th century and from there spread to other parts of the world....
    The main features involved in the Industrial Revolution were technological, socioeconomic, and cultural. The technological changes included the following:
    1. the use of new basic materials, chiefly iron and steel,
    2. the use of new energy sources, including both fuels and motive power, such as coal, the steam engine, electricity, petroleum, and the internal-combustion engine,
    3. the invention of new machines, such as the spinning jenny and the power loom that permitted increased production with a smaller expenditure of human energy,
    4. a new organization of work known as the factory system, which entailed increased division of labour and specialization of function,
    5. important developments in transportation and communication, including the steam locomotive, steamship, automobile, airplane, telegraph, and radio, and
    6. the increasing application of science to industry.
    These technological changes made possible a tremendously increased use of natural resources and the mass production of manufactured goods.
    There were also many new developments in nonindustrial spheres, including the following:
    1. agricultural improvements that made possible the provision of food for a larger nonagricultural population,
    2. economic changes that resulted in a wider distribution of wealth, the decline of land as a source of wealth in the face of rising industrial production, and increased international trade,
    3. political changes reflecting the shift in economic power, as well as new state policies corresponding to the needs of an industrialized society,
    4. sweeping social changes, including the growth of cities, the development of working-class movements, and the emergence of new patterns of authority, and
    5. cultural transformations of a broad order.
    The worker acquired new and distinctive skills, and his relation to his task shifted; instead of being a craftsman working with hand tools, he became a machine operator, subject to factory discipline. Finally, there was a psychological change: man's confidence in his ability to use resources and to master nature was heightened.

    Impact on Agriculture

    The agricultural improvements of the 18th century had been promoted by people whose industrial and commercial interests made them willing to experiment with new machines and processes to improve the productivity of their estates. Under the same sort of stimuli, agricultural improvement continued into the 19th century and was extended to food processing in Britain and elsewhere. The steam engine was not readily adapted for agricultural purposes, yet ways were found of harnessing it to threshing machines and even to plowing by means of a cable pulling the plow across a field between powerful traction engines. In the United States mechanization of agriculture began later than in Britain, but because of the comparative labour shortage it proceeded more quickly and more thoroughly. The McCormick reaper and the combine harvester were both developed in the United States, as were barbed wire and the food-packing and canning industries, Chicago becoming the centre for these processes..